The Mention of the Israelites in Egyptian Scriptures :: essays research papers fc

There are several Egyptian documents that not only mention the Israelites in their texts, but also tie the Bible to historical facts. Egyptian documents such as the Tell el-Amarna letters, a large â€Å"stele† of the Menephtah, and the Elephantine papyri not only tell the history of Egypt, they also coincide with biblical scripture. The documents confirm not only dates, certain numbers, and rituals, such as circumcision, but places and event, e.g. The Exodus, of biblical stories.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  According to James Orr, general editor for â€Å"The Definition for Egypt,† the Tell el-Amarna Letters were discovered in 1887. â€Å"These documents refer to many Biblical cities; they also give much direct information concerning the political and social conditions at that period† (Orr, Palestine). Damien Mackey’s â€Å"The House of David,† shows the remarkable similarities between several rulers in Egypt and the three kings (Saul, David, and Salomon) mentioned in the Bible. In Michael Grant’s â€Å"The History of Ancient Israel,† he states that a ruler in the 14th century named Labayu ruled over Shechem and extended his kingdom as far as the Mediterranean coast (18). One model given in the case of Saul tells of a second name stated in Psalm 57; the name is Lebaim, â€Å"a unique word in the Old Testament meaning great lions.† In line with this passage comes a reference from the Amarna letters; an Egyptian pharaoh whose name was Labayu, meaning â€Å"Great Lion of (N)’ where N is a god’s name† (Mackey 1). The Amarna letters could also wrap together David and Tuthmosis III as one and the same. Labayu had sons that battled for an equally important roll after his death (Grant 18). In II Samuel 3:1, the passage tells of how Saul’s two sons Ish-Bosheth and David fought for power. This leads Mackey to a comprehensive comparison between David and Tuthmosis I & III. A few illustrations in the contrast are ranging from military campaigns to coronation ceremonies (Mackey 3-5). In the military campaign of Megiddo, the records by Tuthmosis III describe the split of his armies to defeat scattered forces in separate Canaanite towns. Later, Tuthmosis rejoins his armies to capture of Megiddo (Orr, Palestine). This corresponds with II Samuel 11:1 account of David’s conquest of Rabbah (Mackey 5). Although, not as much information is found on the Elephantine papyri and the â€Å"stele† of Menephtah, they still display the bonds between the history of Egypt and biblical scriptures.

John Gotti: The Teflon Don Essay

â€Å"There was nothing that my father loved more than being a gangster. Not money, not even us. He felt that anybody that really lived this life like he did, at the end of the day you have to die or go to jail.† – John Gotti Jr. Who is John Gotti? Depending upon who you ask this question to, your answer could vary. Growing up in my neighborhood in Far Rockaway, Queens John Gotti is a legend and someone people look up to. At the same time you can ask other people about John Gotti and they will tell you that he was a ruthless thug and a menace to society. Either way you look at it John Gotti made his mark here in America and he was known all across the country for being the boss of the largest and most powerful of the five families in New York, the Gambino crime family. I will not talk about my opinions on John Gotti in this paper but I will give you his life story from his birth in the Bronx to his death in prison and let you be the judge. John Joseph Gotti was born on October 27, 1940 in the Bronx, New York. John was the fifth child of Philomena (Fannie) and Joseph Gotti, who were Italian Immigrants. Joseph and Fannie Gotti also had twelve other children; four of which who would also become made men, or members of the Mafia. John’s younger brother Gene Gotti was actually initiated before John was due to John’s incarceration at that time. During John’s time as boss of the Gambino crime family he had his brother Peter Gotti initiated despite John’s belief (and that of many others) that Peter did not have what it takes to be La Cosa Nostra. Peter earned himself the nickname â€Å"the dumbest don† after the incarceration of John Gotti, Gene Gotti, and John Gotti Jr. when he assumed the position of Boss of the Gambino crime family. The other two brothers were Richard Gotti, who would be revealed as capo in 2002, and Vincent Gotti. John Gotti spent his early years growing up in poverty. John Gotti’s father Joseph Gotti was a day laborer who never had regular work or a steady source of income. On top of Joseph Gotti’s problems with findin g decent work so he would be able to provide for his family, he also had a gambling problem. This was a huge problem because he was the only earning member of the large family. John Gotti came to resent his father for not being able to provide the family. By the time Gotti reached the age of twelve, he was already an errand boy working for an underground club. This club was headed by Carmine Fatico, a capo in the Gambino crime family. Fatico was an early mentor Gotti until John was introduced to Aniello Dellacroce, who became his mentor for life. Gotti had his first run in with the law in 1954 when he was caught with friends attempting to steal a portable cement mixer that tipped over and crushed the toes of his feet. He had to be hospitalized for a while and as a result he is supposedly missing a toe or two. By 1956, Gotti had dropped out of Franklin K. Lane High School and was named the leader of the Fulton-Rockaway Boys. This gang is where he meets and befriends Angelo Ruggiero and Wilfred Johnson, who also become Made Men in the Gambino crime family. When Gotti moved with his family to Ozone Park in Queens, New York, Gotti became a key member of the Gambino hijacking crew. Along with his brother Gene and Ruggiero, Gotti began hija cking trucks at what would come to be known as John F Kennedy International Airport. This is where he was introduced to and befriended future Bonanno crime family boss Joseph Massino. It was here that they were given the nicknames of â€Å"Black John† and â€Å"Crazy Horse†. In 1968, Gotti was arrested for the hijackings. While out on bail, Gotti was arrested again for a hijacking on the New Jersey Turnpike. Gotti pleaded guilty to the Northwest Airlines hijackings but the charges were dropped on the New Jersey Turnpike cigarette hijackings. Gotti served three years in Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary for the hijackings. After his release in 1972, Gotti returned to the Bergin Hunt and Fish Club to work with Carmine Fatico until later that year when Fatico was indicted on loansharking charges. Despite Gotti not yet being a Made Man, Fatico named him the acting capo of the Bergin crew. It was at this time that Gotti and Dellacroce grew closer because Gotti would frequently come to the Ravenite Social Club to brief Dellacroce on his crew’s activities. In May of 1973, Emanuel Gambino, nephew of Carlo Gambino who was the current head of the family, was kidnapped and murdered despite the payment of a $100,000 ransom. Gotti was tasked to take out the man responsible along with Ruggiero and Ralph Galione. The primary suspect was an Irish gangster by the name of James McBrantley. Gotti and his boys found McBrantly in a bar in Staten Island. While Gotti and Ruggiero go over and try to take him somewhere, Galione comes over and shoots McBrantley in the middle of the club for everyone to see. Gotti would be arrested for this murder one year later after being fingered by many eyewitnesses, one of which was his friend Wilfred â€Å"Willie Boy† Johnson. Gotti was able to strike a plea bargain so he would only serve four years in prison for attempted manslaughter. After the Death of Carlo Gambino in 1976, Paul â€Å"Big Paul† Castellano became the boss of the Gambino crime family. Upon his release in 1977, John Gotti was immediat ely initiated into the Gambino crime family. Gotti was immediately promoted to capo of the Bergin crew, replacing Carmine Fatico. Castellano kept Dellacroce as his underboss and gave him control over 10 of the 23 crews, including Gotti’s Bergin crew. Gotti’s Bergin crew was the largest earners of all of Dellacroce’s crews. Gotti also ran a loansharking business on the side on top of taking his cut from all the money that his subordinates made. Gotti had many people working for him and he made them all make regular appearances at the Bergin and would get irritated if someone didn’t check in within 48 hours, he kept this routine when he moved to the Ravenite Social Club. In 1980, Gotti’s son Frank Gotti was killed in a traffic accident by their neighbor, John Favara. Favara was abducted and never to be heard from again, many believe him to be dead. Despite the belief of some people that Gotti killed Favara himself, the Gotti’s were on vacation in Florida at the time of his abduction. John Gotti Jr., future head of the Gambino crime family, still believes that his father m ost definitely had something to do with his disappearance though. In his remaining years as capo of the Bergin crew, Gotti was indicted on two separate occasions. He would not go to trial for either of these cases until he was crowned boss of the Gambino crime family. One of these cases came in September of 1984; Gotti was arrested for the assault and robbery of a refrigerator repairman named Romual Piecyk. Piecyk found his car blocked by a double parked vehicle outside of the Cozy Corner Bar in Queens. Piecyk laid on his car horn until Frank Colletta, the owner of the double parked car and Gambino family associate, came out, smacked him across the face and took his weekly paycheck out of his shirt pocket. When Piecyk began to fight back, Gotti came running out and smacked him across the face and reached into his waistband and told him â€Å"you better get the f*** out of here!† Piecyk went and got the police and they returned to the bar and arrested Gotti and Colletta. The second indictment came in 1985 when Gotti along with Dellacroce and other Bergin crew members were the targets of a racketeering case, headed by US Attorney Diane Gi acalone. It was the latter case that revealed Gotti’s close friend, Willie Boy Johnson, to be an FBI informant. When Gotti found out all he had to say to Johnson was â€Å"I’m gonna give you a pass, and I give you my word no one will bother you, Gotti told Willie Boy. After we win this case, you won’t be able to be in the life again. But you’ll get a job, you’ll have your family, and you’ll be all right.† As the boss of the family, Paul Castellano had banned Made Men from the Gambino family in dealing with drugs under the threat of death. In 1983, Angelo Ruggiero and Gene Gotti along with a few others were all indicted on heroin charges. The indictment came about through bugs placed in the home of Angelo Ruggiero, using evidence given to the FBI by Willie Boy Johnson. Along with the talks of heroin deals on these tapes there were also some remarks made about Castellano from Ruggiero on there. Castellano’s pursuit to hear what was on these tapes would be the beginning of the end for him. Although John Gotti was not on any of the tapes and they co uld make no connection to him, Castellano was still looking to hold Gotti accountable. In fear for his life, Ruggiero went to Dellacroce to see if he could plead his case to Castellano that they were only sorting out the affairs of his brother Salvatore Ruggiero, a big time heroin dealer who had no ties to the family. The story was enough to hold Castellano off until he received the tapes. In the spring of 1985 Castellano began pressing for the tapes again but backed off when he found out that his underboss, Dellacroce, was dying of cancer. He figured that if he waited for Dellacroce to die, there would be nobody he had to worry about stopping him from getting the tapes. Castellano was able to hear the tapes that summer and began formulating a plan of action but would hold off on putting that plan in motion until Dellacroce died. Gotti knew Castellano, who was never a fan of Gotti and wanted him out of the family, would have him killed so he began a plot of his own along with Frank DeCicco, Sammy Gravano, Joseph Armone, and Robert DiBernardo. When Dellacroce died on December 2, 1985, it was time for one of the sides to make their move. Castellano did not show up at the services for his former underboss and that infuriated Gotti and other members of the family and also members of the other four fam ilies. For Gotti to have the head of his family killed, he would first have to go to the heads of the other families in New York for permission. Gotti got the necessary votes from the Bonanno, Colombo, and Luchesse families for the hit. â€Å"The Fist†, which is what the five men went by, had the perfect set up. They figured that a little over a week before Christmas, around rush hour, between 5pm and 6pm that the streets would be flooded with probably over a thousand people doing there holiday errands. They figured the hit would only last a few seconds and the confusion from the panic after the gunshots went off would make for the perfect escape. The four designated shooters were Vincent Artuso, John Carneglia, Eddie Lino and Salvatore Scala. The designated back-up shooter, Anthony Tony Roach Rampino, would be standing across the street from Sparks Steak House, while Angelo Ruggiero, Joseph Watts and Iggy Alogna would be stationed at 46th Street and Second Avenue to help with the escape. Frank DeCicco would be inside the restaurant where a meeting was to take place. He would be joined there by capos James Failla and Daniel Marino, who were not part of the plot. On December 16 Big Paul had arranged to meet Dellacroce’s son Buddy Dellacroce at Sparks Steak House on East 46th Street. Frank DeCicco set it up. Castellano was going to pay homage, to explain why he had not come to the wake and offered condolences, to make amends. It wouldn’t be until the afternoon of the planned murders that the actual hit team knew who their targets were. Huddled in a park on Manhattans Lower East Side, the group went over the final details of the murder plot. The four shooters were dressed alike long light colored trench coats and black fur Russian style hats. The reasoning for this was to draw attention to the outfits, not the men wearing them. Gotti and Gravano parked a Lincoln, driven by John himself, up the block in sight of the front of Sparks Steak House. Moments later Thomas Bilotti, Big Paul’s new underboss, pulled up next to Gottiâ€℠¢s car at an intersection and waited for the light to change. Using a walkie-talkie Gravano notified the others that Castellano was approaching. Bilotti steered the Lincoln into an open space in front of Sparks and got out. As Castellano stepped out of the vehicle, the hit men moved in. Big Paul was hit six times in the head and killed instantly. When the shooting began, the unarmed Bilotti ducked and looked through the driver’s side window only to see his boss’s execution, unaware that killers were now aiming at him. As the shooters assigned to Bilotti opened fire, Artuso’s gun jammed. However, the gunfire from the second assassin dropped the newly crowned underboss. Carneglia, who had finished blasting away at Castellano, ran over to the other side of the car and put the finishing touches on Bilotti. After the very public killing of Castellano and underboss Bilotti, Gotti found himself in the media spotlight a lot and was widely suspected to be responsible for the murders. Gotti became known as the â€Å"Dapper Don† for his expensive suits, hand painted ties, and meticulously groomed silver hair. At the time of Gotti’s takeover, the Gambino family was regarded as the most powerful American mafia family, which is why during this time he was regarded as a boss of bosses. The Gambino crime family’s estimated annual income was around five hundred million dollars. According to Sammy â€Å"The Bull† Gravano, Gotti was bringing in about ten to twelve million dollars per year. In an attempt to protect himself and his underlings legally, he banned any Made Man from taking a plea agreement that acknowledges the existence of the family. Gotti’s fame came to affect the outcome of his previous indictments from 1984 and 1985. By the mid to late 1980s, John Gotti had gone from the â€Å"Dapper Don† to the â€Å"Teflon Don† because of the failure to make any charges stick to him. When Gotti went to trial for the 1984 assault and robbery of Romual Piecyk, Gotti benefited from his new fame. Piecyk received many phone calls and the breaks to his work van were cut. Fearing for the worst, Piecyk went into hiding, hoping he would not have to testify. When Piecyk was forced to testify he said he could not remember who his attackers were . Because of his random loss of memory, the New York Daily News came out with a headline that read â€Å"I Forgotti!† On April 7, 1986 the jury selection for Gotti’s RICO case began. With the success Gotti had in intimidating Piecyk in his prior case, he decided to use the same tactics to beat this case. Dennis Quirk was the first witness to be approached by Gotti’s men and was murdered right before he had to testify against Gotti’s co-defendant, Charles Carnaglia. The events to happen in the next few days would lead Judge Nickerson to postpone the trial. On the morning of April 9, a bomb threat was called into the courthouse, clearing it immediately. On April 13, 1986, underboss Frank DeCicco was killed when his car was bombed following a visit to James Failla. The bombing was carried out by Lucchese capos Victor Amuso and Anthony Casso, under orders of bosses Anthony Corallo and Vincent Gigante, to avenge Castellano and Bilotti. Gotti also planned to visit Failla that day, but canceled, and the bomb was detonated after a soldier who rode with DeCicco was mistaken for the boss. While Gotti’s trial had been postponed, he remained in jail beca use his bail had been revoked for evidence of intimidation in the Piecyk case. Pretrial motions were handled on August 18, 1986. Judge Nickerson had ruled that there would be an anonymous jury to protect jurors from intimidation and the jury would not be sequestered, or isolated. Cutler claimed that such a jury creates fear that is misplaced and deprives the defendants of a fair trial. Bruce Cutler, John Gotti’s lawyer, went at the credibility of the prosecution’s witnesses like Edward Maloney and Mathew Traynor, calling them low lives and scum. This would come to be known as â€Å"Brucifying†, it was a tag that Cutler would gladly wear. Along with stripping the credibility of some of the prosecutor’s witnesses, Gravano was reached out to in order to offer his vote of not guilty to ensure a hung jury. This man’s name was George Pape; he offered his vote for sixty thousand dollars. On March 13, 1987, they acquitted Gotti and his codefendants of all charges. In February 1986, the Bankers and Brokers Restaurant in Battery Park City was under construction. The restaurant was under the management of Philip Modica, whom police described as a Gambino crime-family soldier. Modica was not using union carpenters in the construction, which upset John F. O’Connor, The business agent and chief operating officer of Manhattan-based Local 608 of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters & Joiners. O’Connor responded by having the restaurant trashed one February night, causing some thirty thousand dollars’ worth of damage. When Modica took his complaint to Gotti, he ordered that O’Connor be busted up and the assignment was given to members of the Westies, a gang of Irish thugs from the Hell’s Kitchen section of Manhattan. At 6:40 in the morning on May 7, O’Connor was waiting to enter an elevator in the lobby of a midtown Manhattan building that housed his union offices. Westies gang member Kevin Kelly at O’Connor shot four times, wounding him in the butt, left leg and hip. The union official was rushed to St. Clare’s Hospital, where he soon recovered. On the evening of January 23, 1989, John Gotti was arrested outside the Ravenite Social Club and charged with ordering the 1986 assault of union official John O’Connor. There were bugs planted in the Ravenite Social Club and in an apartment above the club in which Gotti had frequent meetings where he spoke freely about Gambino family business. They used these tapes in trial when they heard what they thought to be Gotti telling someone to â€Å"Bust him up!† in reference to O’Connor. Although they had these tapes for a while, nobody warned John O’Connor about what might happen to him. Gotti’s defense attorney’s, Cutler and Shargel used this in trial stating that If the tapes weren’t clear enough to warn O’Connor, then they are not clear enough to convict Gotti. Along with the bad sound quality of the tapes and some Brucifying, Gotti was eventually acquitted on all counts due in part to the testimony of O’Connor himself. O’Connor testified that he was never told his life was in danger or that anyone was going to â€Å"bust him up†. The defense was attempting to prove that since the investigators had not warned O’Connor, they had no evidence that named him as the target of Gotti’s â€Å"bust him up† comment. O’Connor also testified that there were internal conflicts within the union at the time he was wounded and that he had many enemies. On December 11, 1990, FBI Agents arrested John Gotti, Sammy Gravano, and Frank Locasio. This was the fourth indictment for Gotti since he came to power after ordering the killings of Paul Castellano and his underboss Thomas Bilotti. However, this was the first time that Gotti would be indicted for the latter murders. He would also be indicted for the murders of Robert DiBernardo, Liborio Milito and Louis Dibono. Along with those murders, Gotti would also be charged with the conspiracy to murder Gaetano â€Å"Corky† Vastola, loansharking, illegal gambling, obstruction of justice, bribery and tax evasion. Gotti and his co-defendants were once again denied bail. Along with Gotti being denied bail, Bruce Cutler and Gerald Shargel, were disqualified from being able to represent any of the defendants in this trial due to some recordings that proved them to be working as â€Å"in house counsel† for the Gambino crime family. The tapes also created tensions between Gotti and Gravano. The tapes showed Gotti describing Gravano as too greedy and attempted to frame Sam my as the main force behind the murders of DiBernardo, Milito and Dibono. Gravano decided to turn state’s evidence in 1991 and testify against Gotti. The case was tried in the US District Court for the Eastern District of New York. The presiding judge was US District Judge Israel Leo Glasser. For the first time ever the jury was kept anonymous and totally sequestered in a Brooklyn Federal case. The prosecutors, Andrew Maloney and John Gleeson, opening statements were given on February 12, 1992. They played tapes from bugs planted in the Ravenite Social Club and the apartment above the club that had Gotti discussing Gambino family business, killings that he ordered, and showed the animosity he had towards Big Paul which also gave him a motive for the killing of the former head of the family. On March 2, 1992, Sammy â€Å"The Bull† Gravano began his testimony. Gravano told the court about Gotti’s ranking as the head of the family. He also told the court about Gotti’s role in the Castellano and Bilotti hit and gave them every detail of the hit. Gotti’s defense provided no real help. All of Albert Krieger’s, Gotti’s new defense attorney, witnesses’ testimonies were d ismissed except for one and that was the testimony of Gotti’s tax attorney. The prosecution rested its case on March 24 and John Gotti was convicted on all accounts on April 2. John Gotti was sentenced to life imprisonment without the possibility of parole on June 23, 1992. James Fox, the director of the New York City FBI, announced at a press conference, â€Å"The Teflon is gone. The don is covered with Velcro, and all the charges stuck.† Gotti was sent to serve his sentence at the US Penitentiary in Marion, Illinois. Gotti eventually died of throat cancer in June of 2002. John Gotti would not be able to have his funeral in the church due to the request of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Brooklyn. After the funeral, hundreds of people followed the hearse which drove through Gotti’s old neighborhood and past the Bergin Hunt and Fish Club.

The City Of New Orleans - 2626 Words

The city of New Orleans lies below sea level in a bowl bordered by levees which prevent the high waters of the Mississippi River from flooding the city. These levees were put to the test on August 29, 2005 when Hurricane Katrina hit, causing severe destruction along the Gulf coast. Three concrete floodwalls protecting the city of New Orleans fractured and burst under the weight of surging waters from the hurricane, killing hundreds and resulting in an estimated $100 to $150 billion worth of damage (Luegenbiehl, 2007). In the aftermath of the storm, society placed part of the blame on design flaws that compromised the safety of the levees and endangered the public. Under the Flood Control Act of 1965, Congress had mandated the US Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) to protect the city from a Category 3 storm, yet the floodwalls were unable to withstand the force of Hurricane Katrina, which was eventually classified as Category 3 (Grunwalk Warrick, 2005). The Corps pointed towards a massi ve surge that exceeded the height of the floodwalls, but investigations by civil engineers and other experts pointed towards the inadequate design and construction by the Corps of Engineers as the cause of the failure (Englehardt et al., 2013). The Corps acted in a manner contradicting ethical engineering behavior by being less than forthcoming about deficiencies that were accumulating in the overall system. In order to prevent future disasters involving human life, the government should requireShow MoreRelatedThe City Of New Orleans922 Words   |  4 Pagescould be seen on the roofs of buildings across the city. A neighborhood TV channel reported New Orleans was encountering broad flooding due to levee damage, clean water was scarce, and the city was electrically deficient and was estimated to last for weeks. At day’s end, the Mayor of New Orleans described the considerable death toll with reports of bodies floating on the water throughout the city. The National Guard set u p morgues all throughout the city. Coordination of rescue efforts days to come wereRead MoreThe City Of New Orleans971 Words   |  4 PagesWelcome to the city of New Orleans, Louisiana! New Orleans is one of the most popular cities in the boot. This wonderful, distinctive place is the home of plenty of unknown special activities instead of what most know which is Mardi Gras. Believe it or not, New Orleans, is a go-to city for most events that many, if not most Northern Louisianan may not existence. In other states, people can come to a conclusion that all Louisiana natives are the same, but we vary around the state. New Orleans is differentRead MoreThe City Of New Orleans1709 Words   |  7 PagesThe City of New Orleans is a remarkable city and has enormous potential for expansion. The â€Å"Big Easy† has always been known for the French Quarter, yet New Orleans is so much more than just a â€Å"party city†. I suspect there is a demand to show the â€Å"family friendly† side of our city. My proposal is to offer new development in a vigilant and financially responsible manner, while offering a glimpse of the extraordinarily exciting and expansive visions that I hope to witness in the future. The marketRead MoreThe City Of New Orleans870 Words   |  4 PagesOn August 29, 2005, one of the largest hurricanes ever recorded hit the city of New Orleans, devastating millions and changing their lives and their city forever. The category 3 hurricane created mass displacement and mass destruction that the city has yet to fully recover from. The residents of this once lively and culture-filled city are still attempting to rebuild what was washed away for them ten years ago. Louisiana was home to many individuals who simply loved their state and it’s peopleRead MoreThe City Of New Orleans1805 Words   |  8 Pagesâ€Å"New Orleans is unlike any city in America. Its cultural diversity is woven into the food, the music, the architecture – even the local superstisions. It’s a sensory experience on all levels and there’s a story lukring around every corner.† –Ruta Sepetys The city of New Orleans, Louisiana is a very different and special place. The population is about 390,000 based on the 2014 census. The city was named after the Regent to Louis XV, the Duke of Orleans in the early 1700s. It was established byRead MoreThe City Of New Orleans1471 Words   |  6 Pages In the city of New Orleans emerged one of the most influential music genres in the history of the United States of America. At the time, New Orleans was known for being a blending pot of people or rather, a location where people from all over the world came together in one place. This city served as a key seaport in the U.S. allowing for goods to be imported and exported. 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The different historical statues we have scattered about the city also cause major attractions and either people love or hate them. Lately, four specific statues have been getting a lot of attention around town from not o nly the citizens, but from our very own mayor, Mitch LandrieuRead MoreNew Orleans: A Historic City849 Words   |  3 PagesNew Orleans is the largest city in Louisiana, it is located in the southern part of the state, between The Mississippi River and Lake Ponchartrain. New Orleans has belonged to Spain, France, and the United States. It was founded by the French in 1718. New Orleans has about 712 churches in all. It has about 165 city owned parks. New Orleans is famous for its French Quarter, with its mixture of French, Spanish, and native architectural styles. The Mardi Gras is a week of carnival held in New OrleansRead MoreComparison Between City London And New Orleans1094 Words   |  5 PagesI will compare my city London to New Orleans. I will investigate and compare them to each other which is going to be easy I hope you enjoy me explaining to you their similarities and difference. Landforms: New Orleans, Louisiana has a river named Mississippi Rivers, wet marsh land, Sabine uplifts are Shallow, muddy seas advanced and retreated over the coastal and river plains many times, and gray clay deposited under these seas now forms the aquifers of northern Louisiana. Which are and has no mountains;

The Death Of The Balochistan Bar Association, Bilal Anwar...

On August 8 2016, over 100 mourners gathered at the Quetta Civil Hospital in Pakistan following the shooting death of the president of the Balochistan Bar Association, Bilal Anwar Kasi. Nearby, an unknown member of the Taliban affiliated group, Jamaat-ul-Ahrar (JuA), was strapping eight kilograms of explosives filled with ball bearings and shrapnel to his body. Soon, a sickening explosion ripped apart the emergency services ward of the hospital, killing 70 mourners and injuring over 120. On June 22 2016, Amhad Sabri, one of Pakistan’s most famous musicians, who sang devotional music from the Sufi tradition dating back 13th century, was shot dead by two men on motorcycles. The Taliban considered his music blasphemous. In the next month, in a church in Rouen, France, a priest’s throat was cut and four nuns were taken hostage before the two assailants were shot by police. They were later reported to have been â€Å"two soldiers of the Islamic State†. A satellite view sees the Earth rocked by Islamist attacks on almost a daily basis. These always involve a multitude of different motivations: local, political, ethnic, religious, sectarian and other, but they are held together by a common and identifiable thread - fundamentalist, literalist Islam. While suicide attacks usually happen a long way away, and the chance of being killed by a local attack is small, it’s not irrational to hold some concern over the growth of militant Islam. In a post 9/11 world, where frequent Islamist

Inventory Management - Internship Report - 2646 Words

[ INTERNSHIP REPORT] | This report serves as the summary for my internship experience at Lam Viet embroidery thread division. Enclosed in this report is the brief introduction of the firm, the description of my duties and responsibilities as well as the analysis of the organization. Sample of my major assignment could be found in the appendix at the end of the report. | Table of Contents Acknowledgement 3 INTRODUCTION: 4 RESPONSIBILITIES: 5 1. General description 5 2. Major responsibilities: 5 MAJOR ASSIGNMENT 6 ORGANIZATIONAL ANALYSIS 7 Good practice identification and discussion 7 1. Clear work flow 7 2. Strong team play 8 3. Good leadership 10 SUMMARY 11 APPENDIX 12 Major assignment sample: Record for available stock 12†¦show more content†¦There were no more than five medium purchases for a typical day and there were no transactions at weekend. Therefore, the bills and sales figures were recorded manually. The small number of thread types available back then allowed this practice to be correctly handled. However, since the fifth month (December), as the brand had become more popular over the local market and the customer base started to expand, the need for a better means of recording arose, so that the management process could become more effective. As the result, I was assigned to generate an Excel model based on what had learned in Financial Modeling , to summarize stockings and sales. The result should be sufficient to administrate the goods in hand, make further orders to suppliers, timely provided goods to customers and assist sale performance evaluation at month end. The example of my work is provided in the appendix. Basically, the main information in the model covers the thread codes, which amounts to more than 500 codes, the sales day by day in a month period, the summary, and a section which helps recognize which stock of thread code is currently low (under 10 items left). 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The Diary free essay sample

I am ten years old. Sitting on the side of my bed, I am contemplating my fate. After all, that very day I had gotten rejected by not one, but by eight boys in my fifth grade class. Unfortunately being uniformed at the time about the complex dynamics of relationships, I assumed that attraction functioned in the same manner as the Florida lottery: the more tickets bought the higher the success rate. Needless to say, I was wrong. At that very moment, as I fantasized about being less of a tomboy so classmates of the opposite sex would stop asking me to play dodge ball and start asking me to school dances, I picked up my diary. I had gotten it that year for my birthday. As I skimmed through the blank pages, it occurred to me that it would be in my best interest to record the days events. We will write a custom essay sample on The Diary or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page To be frank, it was merely to complain about my miserable existence, lacking attention in the form I sought most. Nevertheless, I began writing. In the beginning, my hand was shaky, for I was hesitant. This wasnt just any classroom assignment; these were my sentiments in concrete form. Putting them on paper subjected them to criticism which, for an insecure youngster, could be quite intimidating. I also realized, however, that writing gave me a voice. With practice, that voice would become more powerful, and above all, unique. Consequently, the following year, I was forced to reach a conclusion. There were two distinct writing paths, each of which I could follow: action or inaction. The latter seemed tempting at first because it was far easier to remain concealed in my shell than to burst out of it reciting Shakespeare. However, my desire to be acknowledged overshadowed any lack of confidence, and so in seventh grade, I took the plunge by signing up for a newspaper class and a creat ive writing club. Looking back, I can say with certainty it was one of the best decisions Ive ever made. From the first time I read a poem out loud to the moment I became Editor in Chief of a literary arts magazine, there was no looking back. It helped me learn that when given a gift, there is no reason to not seize upon it. At first I thought hiding my work from the spotlight was a proper form of modesty. Now I know that doing so was selfish and unnecessary. It is indeed a service when different aspects of a person are revealed and put to use for the betterment of a community. What I have described above is partly what compels me to dedicate my energy to late nights of critiquing student work for Elysium and hours of rehearsal at IMPACT Theater. It is a form of self-expression, first acknowledged by an angst ridden ten year old girl discovering her muse. In the future I aspire to contribute my talents to this university and my career, because beyond being able to excel at writing , it is truly what I love.

Political Development in Ghana

Introduction In Africa, Ghana has been as one of the pioneering states. Ghana is a country of very many firsts-in-Africa in that it was the first African country to gain independence from its colonial masters. After independence Ghana was the first state to start one/ single party rule. Ghana was also the first new African state to suffer from a series of military coups. Ghana was also among the first African states to suffer from economic depressions.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Political Development in Ghana specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More It was also among the first African nations to formulate and implement ideologies to mobilise its citizen towards economic growth. Finally, Ghana was the first country in Africa to carry out a peaceful transition from a military rule to civilian rule. Since independence, Ghana was highly viewed as the state, which would set benchmarks for other developing states in Afric a. Although Ghana is currently an example of good governance and democracy, the road to political stability has not been smooth. Ghana and its people have endured a lot of turmoil and political conflicts coupled by economic recession and ethnic conflict. This history has affected its people and leaders in various ways. History of Ghanas Political and constitutional development Ghana is predominantly a multi-ethnic state, with the Akan community forming about 49% of the total population. Ghanas population demography is probably the most important tool that has helped it develop over the years. Since the Akan share a common language, it has helped foster a sense of nationhood. During the colonial era, the British used indirect rule over the colony of Ghana. This meant that traditional chiefs became accountable to and served the interests of the colonial masters. Although, by virtue of this, the traditional chiefs consolidated a lot of power, leadership was distorted because the tradit ional values of leadership such as customary checks, accountability and justice were eroded. By the end of the Second World War, there was a lot of political agitation, which led to the formation of various political organisations. Through the efforts of Kwame Nkrumah, the colonial government agreed to constitutional reforms. In the early 1950s the gold coast as Ghana was referred to, was finally given internal self-governance. When the constitutional developments happened in the mid 1950s, Ghana became the first state, in the south of Sahara, to declare independence. Ghana as a state gained its independence from the British colonial master in 1957 (Bennett, 1973, p. 665). After independence, Ghana faced various challenges ranging from the need to channel resources from foreign companies to local developmental issues, shift of ownership of companies from foreign to local ownership, and the need to invest in sectors that were viewed as neglected by the colonialists such as social ser vices and education sector.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Nkrumahs government in light of these challenges and the proposed system of governance succumbed to pressure and was finally overthrown in a military coup in 1966 (Bennett, 1973, p. 667). When Ghana achieved independence, there was no external debt, but during and after the coup it had accumulated an external debt of about $790 million. Nkrumahs view of industrialisation being led and controlled by the state had failed miserably. From this time onwards, Ghana was to undergo a series of turmoil characterised by military coups and civilian government rule for at least three decades (Price, 1984, pp. 173-174). Later in the late 1970s, Richard Jerry Rawlings led a group of low ranking military officers to overthrow the existing military government led by senior military officials. This coup was extraordinary in the sense that mo st of its leaders were young officers. One of its main objective was to clean up, the military junta went after people and senior military leaders who encouraged and benefited from corruption court martialed them and later carried out executions. Barely after four months in office had, Rawlings handed over power to a new elected government only to overthrow it again in another coup after two years. Rawlings government adjusted the form of governance that mainly favoured farmers and export businesses. Although the power of corrupt leaders and civil servants may have been eroded, however the fundamental causes of patronage ideology to political control had not yet been dealt with (Sederberg, 1971, pp. 179-84). In 1992, Ghana passed a new constitution, which paved way for the holding of democratic elections under a multi party system of governance. The new constitution was a move back to the presidential system but alterations were made so that ministers could also serve simultaneously as members of parliament a provision that the earlier constitutions had removed. This was done to encourage cooperation between the executive and the legislature and this was informed by a case in which the third republic parliament rejected a budget presented by the executive. After the rebirth of multi-party politics in 1992, Ghana has held successful elections in 1996, 2000 to date (Williams, et al, 2009, pp. 102-114). Political and socio-economic development With the advent of the new constitution, Ghana moved from military rule to a presidential system of governance. The authors of the new constitution dispensation were opposed to the strict separation of powers between the executive and the legislature, hence allowed for the provision of the president appointing some ministers from the legislative assembly.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Political Development in Ghana specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Thi s was in reaction to the third republic parliament, which rejected the proposed budget, which was later referred to as legislative obstructionism. The authors were careful not to return the country to the events of the third republic but on the other hand, they did not want to go back to the Westminster parliamentary system, which was earlier propagated by the Nkrumah government. This enabled the president to pick a majority of ministers from parliament and some from the private sector, which ensured that he got the required ethnic balance in his cabinet. The president had the ability to appoint ministers from regions or areas that his political party did not have a strong hold on and hence had no members of parliament to appoint ministers. These policies emphasised on both a national interest in a strong presidency and a cooperative legislature with emphasis on the need of the cabinet to be ethnically balanced (Botchway, 1972, pp. 81-88). After shifting to constitutional democracy many development aid partners complained about the slow rate of economic reforms as politicians and not technocrats were now taking major decisions. Parliament, which was mostly dominated by Rawlings party, was unable to pass a petroleum tax bill and fought against civil service reforms in 1993. Rawlings administration is also credited with the starting of the National Institutional Renewal Program, which was mandated, with the task of enhancing and encouraging good policy development, public sector management and creation of an appropriate wage and grading system. Later on the following year, an attempt to impose value added tax was withdrawn following massive outcry and opposition from the public and opposition parties. However, the liberalisation of state owned enterprises was hastened and some of the most profitable state organisations sold raising more revenue than was actually anticipated (Armstrong, 1996, pp. 72-78). During 1994, the government embarked on a process to formul ate a national development policy framework that was to be famously known as the Ghana –vision 2020. The main highlight of this policy document were development of agriculture, sustainable macroeconomic environment, development of human resource, encouraging entrepreneurship and poverty eradication, with the main goal being to sustain an economic growth rate of 8% GDP.Advertising Looking for essay on government? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More During the 1996 general elections, most parties came out with various economic manifestos to challenge the incumbent, with various opposition leaders promising to complete the vision 2020. Opposition parties to the battle against unpopular reforms made by the Rawlings government such as cost sharing and cost-recovery in health and education sector, promising to better the welfare of the citizens. The emergence of independent print and electronic media after the 1992 referendum, and the constitutional provision that state owned media should provide equal coverage of the ruling party and opposition rallies, made the campaign very exciting. Although Rawlings party won the vote the opposition lead by John Kufuor were able to gunner 40% of the total vote and captured 66 parliamentary seats (Evans-Anfom, 2003, pp. 431-433). It was however demonstrated during the 1996 elections that during competition for votes that government is at times forced to sacrifice sustainable macro-economic mana gement and fiscal policy prudence for the temporary gain of political mileage. This is evidenced by failure to pass the petroleum tax law and commissioning of unbudgeted projects. This election also revealed that there was a huge tendency of the population to vote as regional and ethnic blocs, which has come to become the norm in subsequent elections. After the elections and politicking was over the reforms were re-ignited as parliament passed the petroleum tax law, VAT was introduced, independent regulatory organisations in the telecommunication, water and electricity were created, and electricity tariffs were increased to cushion operating losses. The vice president spearheaded the national institutional renewal program in 1997 and ensured that civil service reforms were implemented with urgency. Various programs were initiated to improve the government human resource capacity, monitoring systems and the budget (Leite, 2000, pp. 36-42). Ghana was able to reduce the incidence of po verty, the population of citizens living under poverty conditions declined from 51% during the promulgation of the new constitution in 1992 to 43% in 1999. Generally, the school enrolment figure had improved, health services were improved with the help of various donors, gains were also made in the provision of social amenities and general infant mortality had reduced by 25% (SandbrookOelbaum, 1999, pp. 42-45). Political development and democracy Before the 1992 elections, there was very limited space for democratic elections to take place. This can explain why most of the politicians, citizen and other sceptics did not expect the current system to survive for long. There had been a lot of previous history of military coups just after democratic elections. After the elections that ensued during the 1996 and 2000 elections, only did it become apparent that multiparty and democracy were here to stay. However, the approach did not correspond to the ideal westernised form of democracy w here parties would campaign on their institutional policy and developmental records; in Ghana, it took a shift to political patronage mechanisms. Chieftaincy in Ghana is considered as the pivot around which administration of the society is centred. This has been made possible through a constitutional provision that is devoted to chieftaincy. These provisions safeguard the institution against any interference, politicisation and manipulation from the state. For example, parliament is restricted from making or conferring any authority power to remove a chief from his office; this is only a preserve of the regional, national, divisional and traditional counsel of chiefs. The national counsel comprises of about 32,000 traditional chiefs who command influence in their regions, although they are not assigned any specific role in the formal government (Ayee, 2007, pp. 141-143). The chiefs are most effective in rural settings where the arms of government are not that strong or are not fully felt on the ground. In rural communities where there is no access to government institutions such as a police station, government office or court residents are forced to seek redress from the local chiefs. These critical role-played by chiefs in the dispensation of justice is also recognised by formal jurists. It is also noted that would be potential investor in such of land and other investment activities also have to appear before the local chiefs. Although chiefs are restricted by the constitution from engaging in political party activities, they usually serve as the link between the government and the local communities. Government officials and politicians who visit the jurisdiction of the chiefs are required to pay the chiefs a courtesy call. The president is also required to consult the chiefs before making appointments to the district assemblies (Biswal, 1992, pp. 22-33). Ghanas constitution has decentralisation of executive power through formation of local governments. This has greatly helped to bring government services close to the citizens and at the same time has encouraged economic growth. Ghana has a multi-tiered government structure that comprises of municipal, metropolitan and district assemblies (MMDAs) which act as the basic level of decentralised government. MMDAs are autonomous, have their own structures, and are basically accountable to the local society that they represent. However, the state is allowed by virtue of the law and practice to exercise fiscal, political and administrative power over them. The president is the appointing authority of the chief executives who head the MMDAs based on approval from at least two-thirds majority of the district assembly. The government is also charged with the responsibility of financing district assemblies despite the fact that they are also required to generate their own revenue. There have been complains that government funds usually arrive late and that they are specifically budgeted for a spe cific purpose; this makes it difficult for district assemblies to channel this funds to locally identified projects (Tettey, Puplampu Berman, 2003,pp. 45-52). In matters of administration, the constitution provides for the creation of a local government service (LGS). However, the autonomy of the local government service from the national civil service has not been achieved. Generally, the powers and the agencies of the MMDAs are extremely wide. They are described as the highest political power in the district, charged with the development of the district including harmonisation, coordination and integration of all developmental functions in the district. It was envisaged that decision-making structures would follow a bottom up approach but this has not been actualised. In many regions, these policies used as the foundation building blocks of the local government system have collapsed mainly due to the lack of financial resources (Ayee, 2007pp. 144-146). Even though Ghana goes throu gh competitive elections and is largely viewed as an example of good democratic state in Africa, the president dominates the legislature. They have a minimal influence on the presidential policies and agenda. Members of parliament are not allowed to introduce any legislation independent of the state. Descent from members of parliament is suppressed by the fact that, party officials can expel a member if he or she is deemed to be rebellious. These facts dictate how members of parliament interact with the executive, constituents and fellow members of parliament. Members of parliament usually encounter a lot of pressure from their constituents in need of development projects and personal assistance but rarely get pressure for them to back any particular legislation. Votes made by members in parliament do not necessarily affect the member’s re-election since parliamentary elections are not based on party policies or ideologies (Ghana Center For Democratic Development, 2005, pp. 1 2-18). Conclusion Ghana has been able to rise from a near extinction of political structures to one of the model democracies in Africa. It has been able to overcome most of the challenges that inhibit the development of many new developing nations in Africa, but some area still need to be improved for it to achieve better prosperity such as improvement of tax collection, challenges of corruption and misuse of public funds and the reliance of patronage for political support. All in all the gains Ghana has made makes it a nation to be emulated by other African states. Reference List Armstrong, R P 1996, Ghana, country assistance review. World Bank, Washington, D.C Ayee, J R A 2007,Ghana at 50: government, politics, and development.,s.n.]. Accra? Bennett, V P 1973, The Motivation for Military Intervention: The Case of Ghana, The Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 26, No. 4, p. 665. Biswal, T P 1992,Ghana, political and constitutional developments. New Delhi, Northern Book Centre. Botchw ay, F A 1972,Political development and social change in Ghana: Ghana under Nkrumah; a study of the influence of Kwame Nkrumah and the role of ideas in rapid social change, Black Academy Press, Buffalo, N.Y. Evans-Anfom, E. 2003.To the thirsty land: autobiograp[h]y of a patriot. Achimota, Ghana, Africa Christian Press. Ghana Center for Democratic Development.2005Decentralization, economic governance, and private sector development in Ghana.Legon, Accra, Ghana, Ghana Center for Democratic Development. Leite, S P 2000, Ghana: economic development in a democratic environment, International Monetary Fund, Washington, Dc Price, R M 1984, Neo-Colonialism and Ghana‘s Economic Decline: A Critical Assessment, Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1, pp. 173-174. Sandbrook, R Oelbaum, J 1999, reforming the political kingdom: governance and development in Ghana’s fourth republic. Center for Democracy and Development, Accra, Ghana Sederberg, P C, 1971, the Gold Coast un der Colonial Rule: An Expenditure Analysis, African Studies Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 179-204. Tettey, W Puplampu, K P Berman, B J 2003, Critical perspectives in politics and socio-economic development in Ghana., Brill, Leiden Williams, Y et al, 2009, Power and Change Analysis, ODI and Ecorys; Ghana This essay on Political Development in Ghana was written and submitted by user Joslyn Carver to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.